7th Field Artillery Brigade 26th Battery
Arnold Arthur McIntosh was our first cousin once removed. He was the first of three children of William McIntosh and Christina Cameron. William was a younger brother of our great grandfather John Malcolm McIntosh.
Arnold was born on Monday, August 14, 1893 in his parents’ slab house in the Majura Valley, Parish of Pialligo. Arnold’s childhood home had been built by William’s father, John, and William farmed a few acres of John’s land, Gladefield, and later expanded his holdings by selecting more land near their home. Arnold’s sister Catherine Eliza (Kate) was born here in 1896, followed by his brother Norman Argyle in early 1899. When Arnold was five years old his home became an official post office with William as postmaster but with day-to-day operations conducted primarily by his mother, Christina.
Under the provisions of the Public Instruction Act of 1880, William and Christina were required to send Arnold to a Public School when he was ‘between the ages of six and fourteen years’ for ‘not less than seventy days in each half year’. Arnold, along with all his siblings, attended the Majura Public School. The school offered the standard primary curriculum of reading, writing, arithmetic, singing, geography, grammar, drawing, scripture (bible studies), and, in the higher classes, mechanics, including the ‘science of common things’ and geometry. It seems that Arnold’s parents, and indeed Arnold himself, took schooling seriously, as in May, 1903 Arnold received a first prize for ‘general proficiency’ in his class and Kate for ‘good attendance’. Unlike many children at the time, Arnold remained at school until he was 15 years old.
While not at school or working on his father’s property, Arnold hunted rabbits. Rabbits had been a major problem for landowners in the Majura Valley for many years and according to The Queanbeyan Observer, Arnold was focused on doing his share to eliminate the menace. In March, 1905, the paper’s correspondent from Majura reported:
An Enterprising Youth. – Arnie McIntosh, a lad of eleven years of age, who learned the art of setting traps two years ago, and has kept them going, as well as, digging out burrows, hunting and keeping tally as he went, kittens and all, has up to date destroyed 2342 rabbits and a few hares.
The correspondent noted that ‘rabbits are now scarce to what they were a while back, as the result of poisoning and trapping being carried on at the one time’. Arnold had certainly made a solid contribution to this result.
Arnold showed an early interest and proficiency in sport. At the Majura Sports in June, 1904, he beat five other boys to win the first prize in the 75 yards (69 m) race. By July, 1908, he was excelling in cricket, scoring 90 runs out of the Majura Public School’s total of 272 against the Woodfield Public School, the highest score on the day, and contributing significantly to his school’s 160 run victory over Woodfield. Arnold’s father William had been a strong supporter of local bicycle racing since at least 1902, and Arnold became involved too as a competitor, winning the half-mile (800 m) amateur bicycle race at the Majura Public School picnic in October, 1908. He continued to compete in amateur bicycle races after he left school. In April, 1909, he came third in an amateur race over 20 miles (32 km) and by November in that year, he was receiving a handicap of seven minutes for that race. He was still competing in foot racing in 1911. Arnold was also a member of the Queanbeyan Rifle Club, and won prizes at several shoots in 1912 and 1913.
It is not certain what work Arnold obtained immediately after leaving school but by 1911, he was employed as a shop assistant at Hayes and Russell Limited in Monaro Street, Queanbeyan. Hayes and Russell Limited sold drapery, fancy goods, clothing and footwear for men, women and children, furniture, ironmongery, glassware and crockery, carpet, linoleum, rugs, mats, curtains and groceries. By September, 1911, Arnold had the experience and the trust of the owners to be given the role of treasurer of the committee organising the ball and concert to be held in the store to celebrate the opening of the store’s recently expanded premises. Shop assistants at the time Arnold was employed were poorly paid and worked long hours. Hours per week were limited to 53 hours for males and wages, depending on the age of the shop assistant when he entered the trade, ranged from 10 to 15 shillings ($156-$235) a week for a 17-year-old, rising to 35 shillings ($550) per week for a male aged 21. Arnold still faced grueling five-and-a-half-day weeks, often working an average of about 10 hours a day, for what would be regarded today as less than the minimum wage.
On July 18, 1915, Sophie McKeahnie wrote to her sister Florence Lilian (Lil), who in 13 years would become Arnold’s wife, ‘Isn’t the war terrible, the names of all the young men up here [Majura Valley] are taken, Arnie McIntosh volunteered. We have not heard yet if he passed’. Arnold’s military file does not contain a copy of his Application to Enlist in the Australian Imperial Force (AIF), yet it appears certain that he did so prior to the date of Sophie’s letter. At some time after submitting his application, Arnold underwent a local medical inspection. In Queanbeyan, this was conducted under the auspices of the Government Medical Officer, Dr Sidney Longden Richardson, either by himself directly, or by one of his honorary Medical Officers, Dr Patrick Blackall or Dr David Christie. On Monday, August 2, 1915, Arnold completed his Attestation Paper at the Goulburn Drill Hall. He was then given 14 days’ ‘vaccination’ leave, plus any other leave considered necessary for him to put his affairs in order. He finally entered the Depot Camp at Goulburn on August 27, 1915.
On his Attestation Paper, Arnold correctly declared his age as 21 years 11 months and listed his occupation as ‘shop assistant’. He stated that he had no previous military experience, that his religion was Presbyterian, and that his next of kin was his father, William McIntosh, Majura. He was described as being 67 inches (170 cm) in height, weighing 160 pounds (72.5 kg) and having a chest measurement of 351/2 inches (90 cm). It was noted that his complexion was dark, his eyes brown, his hair dark brown and that he had two distinctive marks – a vaccination scar on his left arm and scars on the inside of his left shin. Arnold was given the rank of Private and allocated the service number 18710.
It is not clear in Arnold’s military file how long he was at the Goulburn Depot Camp. As in all country Depot Camps established at this time, no uniforms or shirts were issued, only one set of ‘ill-fitting and unsightly dungarees’ known as ‘blues’. By mid-September, 1915, the number of men in camp had swollen to 240, necessitating their heavy involvement in ‘the fatigue part of the camp business’ – transforming the horse boxes into sleeping accommodation, erection of a new kitchen, conversion of the poultry shed into a dining room, digging drains and building an incinerator. All this was on top of basic training – drill and route marches. Arnold was most likely in the contingent destined for the 5th Artillery Brigade which left on Tuesday, September 21, 1915 for the artillery training camp in the Royal Agricultural Society (RAS) showground at Moore Park. On November 22, 1915, he was allocated as a Gunner to the 15th Reinforcements of the 1st Field Artillery Brigade (FAB) and transferred to the Artillery Reinforcement Depot at The Warren in Marrickville for further training.
At The Warren, accommodation was basic, with the men living in tents, and there were few recreational facilities for artillery recruits until the end of the year. Arnold must have performed well at this training, as by mid-January, 1916, he could write to his parents that ‘he is now a stripe higher than a gunner’. One stripe meant that he was a lance bombardier, equivalent to a lance corporal in the infantry, however this was never recorded in his military file, and it may well have been an acting position. Arnold was granted final leave in the last week of January, 1916. On February 2, 1916, the Australian Government agreed to form a 3rd Division in Australia and on March 17, 1916, the 7th FAB was formed at The Warren as one of the three artillery brigades to support this new Division. Arnold was transferred to the 26th Battery, 7th FAB. On April 24, 1916, he was promoted to the rank of Corporal.
On Wednesday, May 10, 1916, the 7th FAB left The Warren to embark for overseas service. At 3.30 pm that afternoon, led by Lieutenant Colonel Pearce, they paraded with full equipment at Moore Park along with Engineer and Field Ambulance units, in front of a crowd estimated to be 20,000 to 30,000. After bivouacking in the showgrounds overnight, the 7th FAB boarded HMAT A8 Argyllshire and sailed out of Sydney Harbour on May 11, 1916, as part of Convoy 21. Like many members of the AIF on their first sea voyage, Arnold ‘for a few days was off colour with sea-sickness’. As the Argyllshire made its way towards the Suez Canal, the Captain was instructed to turn about and join an escorted convoy at Cape Town. German U-boats had reached the Mediterranean Sea in April, 1915 and by the end of 1915 had adopted a policy of sinking without warning any large merchant ships suspected of being troop transports. On June 3, 1916, the ship reached Durban, remaining only two days before sailing for Cape Town. The ship anchored in Table Bay on June 8, 1916, where it was joined by HMAT A24 Benalla, HMAT A72 Beltana and HMAT A74 Marathon which, like the Argyllshire, had all sailed from Sydney in the first fortnight of May, 1916 as part of Convoy 21. Their escort was the armoured cruiser HMS Kent. On June 16, 1916, the four ships of Convoy 21 left Cape Town with their escort. On June 29, 1916, the Argyllshire arrived at Dakar, the capital of French West Africa (now the Republic of Senegal). The ship only stayed one day and there was no shore leave. They finally arrived at Devonport on July 9, 1916.
After disembarking, Arnold and the rest of the 7th FAB boarded a train to travel the 150 miles (242 km) to Lark Hill, 13.5 miles (22 km) north of Salisbury. All batteries were dispatched to Royal Field Artillery (RFA) Reserve Brigade training camps at Winchester, Hilsen (near Portsmouth), Codford, Swanage and Weymouth where ‘Mornings were devoted to mounted work and the afternoons to gun drill & laying. A whole day exercise was done every week in which every battery would take part’.
On September 1, 1916, Arnold was promoted to Sergeant. Between November 21-25, 1916, the 3rd Division left for France. However, the divisional field artillery brigades were not with them. On October 24-27, 1916, Major-General Brunker, the Inspector General of the Royal Horse and Field Artillery, had carried out an inspection of the 3rd Division artillery brigades and had determined that they were not yet ready to take the field. Training for the next month focused primarily on field manoeuvers. Considerable time towards the end of November, 1916, was devoted to gun drill in preparation for shooting practice the following month.
Under the watchful eye of Major-General Brunker, shooting practice began on December 1, 1916 and continued without a break for 18 days. At the conclusion of the practice, Major-General Brunker declared the results to be ‘highly satisfactory’, thus paving the way for the artillery to join the 3rd Division in France. The 7th FAB sailed to Le Havre and disembarked on December 30, 1916. On the last day of the year, the brigade entrained at Le Havre for Bailleul, in French Flanders, two miles (3 km) from the Belgian border and nine miles (14 km) north west of Armentieres. The grueling journey took 30 hours.
On New Year’s Day, Arnold with the rest of 7th FAB detrained at Bailleul and marched to billets in Strazeele. It was here on January 6, 1917 that the AIF divisional artillery was reorganised, primarily to economise on the number of officers required. Each 18-pounder and howitzer battery was increased from four to six guns and the number of brigades per division reduced from three to two. Over three nights, January 17-19, 1917, 7th FAB relieved the Left Sector artillery supporting II Anzac Corps in the line, south-east of Bois Grenier. On January 20-21, 1917, the 26th Battery registered on targets and responded to frequent calls for retaliation, firing on enemy strong points, gun positions and transport roads.
Arnold’s first experience in front line artillery work was cut short. In the middle of ‘an intense cold snap during which the thermometer [was] continuously below freezing point’, on January 22, 1917, he reported sick and was sent back to the 9th Australian Field Ambulance (AFA) at Armentieres. He was one of about 20 men who were reporting sick daily from the 3rd Division during January, 1917, and was soon diagnosed with scabies. Arnold’s infestation appears not to have been severe, or he responded well to treatment, as he was not sent further back to a ‘Scabies Station’, but was returned to his unit after five days’ treatment at the Field Ambulance.
After returning to the 26th Battery, Arnold stayed with them in front line action until the 7th FAB was relieved by the 8th FAB on April 13-14, 1917. During February, 1917, the battery supported trench raids, provided covering fire for Y3A Medium Trench Mortar Battery operations and conducted bombardments of the enemy front line and support line. In March, 1917, the work of the 26th Battery providing covering fire for trench mortars continued, as well as wire cutting and constant shelling of enemy positions including any enemy working parties or troop movements. In the evening of March 14, 1917, the 7th FAB withdrew to their wagon lines and then over the next two nights, the 26th Battery relieved sections of the 3rd and 11th New Zealand batteries in the Left Group at positions immediately north of Ploegsteert village. Enemy shells fell close to these new 26th Battery positions on March 17, 1917, but no damage or casualties were incurred. At 2.00 am on March 27, 1917, the enemy attempted a raid. The 7th FAB batteries immediately retaliated based on previous information received indicating that a raid would occur. On March 30, 1917, enemy gas shells landed near the 26th Battery without causing any damage.
On April 2, 1917 and over five days from April 5-10, 1917, Arnold and the 26th Battery experienced their first major ‘heavy fire from the enemy’ directly on their battery positions. Arnold and the rest of the 26th Battery would no doubt have been quite relieved to withdraw to their new wagon lines south south west of Steenwerck three days later. There was to be little rest time for the 26th Battery. On April 16, 1917, they commenced a 58-mile (94 km) three-day march to a training area between Quesques and Selles, 21 miles (34 km) south of Calais. For the next 12 days, the 7th FAB undertook training for mobile warfare. On the first day of May, 1917, the 7th FAB left the training area, bivouacked overnight at Longuenesse and Hazebrouck, before re-entering the line on the night of May 3-4, 1917, relieving the 2nd New Zealand FAB in support of the 57th (British) Division. The 26th Battery was allocated to the Centre Group at the small village of L’Armee south of Armentieres. On May 11-12, the 7th FAB, moved north of the Lys River to reinforce the 8th FAB, with the 26th Battery moving to a position south west of Ploegsteert. In preparation for Magnum Opus, the Battle of Messines, the 7th FAB, less the 107th Howitzer Battery, moved north again on May 15-19, 1917, to join K Group, with Arnold and the 26th Battery establishing a position north of Ploegsteert. On the nights of May 23-24, 1917, the battery consolidated its designated Magnum Opus position of K2 west of Ploegsteert Wood and about 2⅓ miles (3.8 km) south south west of Messines. On the nights of the 27-28 May, 1917, all guns of the 26th Battery supported raids by the 33rd and 38th Battalions by cutting wire, bombarding the enemy parapet and establishing a box barrage. On the 27th May, 1917, one gun of the 26th Battery was ‘put out of action by hostile fire’, but it was not until about 3.00 pm on May 30, 1917 that Arnold’s battery was targeted by severe hostile fire, with 100 rounds of 10.5 cm shells falling in their area in an hour, without causing any damage or casualties.
On May 16, 1917, the following order was issued to all batteries from the 3rd Division Artillery Headquarters:
Firing will be carried out in gas helmets from now onwards. At first, helmets will be worn for only 10 minutes, gradually increasing the time of wearing until continuous firing for 2 hours can be carried out in them. It is pointed out that at any time the Bosch may shell batteries in action with gas shells, and should all ranks not be thoroughly accustomed to work in gas helmets, the batteries will be useless, and lives of personnel endangered.
On the nights of May 31-June 1, and June 5-6, 1917, the 26th Battery provided covering fire for ‘simultaneous patrols [entering] the German trenches’, and over the first five days of June, 1917, carried out four ‘practice barrages’, firing at specified times between one and three rounds per minute. It was noted that ‘accurate and heavy’ enemy counter battery fire started about six minutes after the commencement of these ‘practice barrages’, with ranging ‘carried out with [enemy] aeroplane observation’. At 10.45 pm on June 3, 1917, the 26th Battery Cinder Farm ammunition dump, containing a number of gas shells, was destroyed. There is no doubt that Arnold’s battery position was now firmly in the sights of German counter battery work, with their shooting described as ‘accurate and well placed’. There was ‘frequent use of gas shells necessitating personnel using respirators for several hours’, as well as ‘very heavy’ bombardment from 77 mm, 10.5 cm, 15 cm and 21 cm high explosive and shrapnel shells. The 26th Battery positions were particularly targeted from June 4-6, 1917. In the first week of June, prior to the commencement of the attack at Messines, the 7th FAB lost five men killed, 14 wounded, 19 gassed and one missing, with a number of gun pits and 10,872 rounds of ammunition destroyed and 13 guns (more than 50 percent) put out of action.
At 3.10 am on June 7, 1917, 19 mines built under the German lines were detonated. Four days later, in a letter to his mother Christina, Arnold described ‘being run to earth by a gas-shell. They were coming over like a hail-storm and it was impossible to dodge them…. It was like hell let loose on earth’. He was one of five other ranks reported as gassed in the 7th FAB that day. Almost a year later, Arnold wrote to his uncle, John Malcolm McIntosh, that ‘our guns jumped about on their beds [and] the barrage opened’. He then went on to write ‘I had the bad luck to have an argument with a couple of gas-shells, and came off second best’. In this letter, he said ‘we worked for 8½ hours in our gas helmets. It was awful’. Arnold must have immediately shown enough of the clinical signs of phosgene gas, ‘choking, coughing, gasping for breath…retching, sternal pain and thirst’, to be immediately carried to the 9th AFA Divisional Collecting Post at Hyde Park Corner, about 800 yards (730 m) north north east of the 26th Battery positions. He was diagnosed here with ‘gas poisoning’ sent to the 2nd Australian Casualty Clearing Station (ACCS) on the railway line at Trois Abres, near Steenwerck. Arnold was only at the 2nd ACCS for about 24 hours, as the next day he was one of 1,463 patients evacuated on Australian Hospital Trains Nos. 14, 19 and 26. In Arnold’s case his destination was No. 47 (British) General Hospital on the coast at Le Treport, about (150 km) south west of Steenwerck, to which he was admitted on June 8, 1917, with ‘suffocation poison gas’. On June 21, 1917, he was discharged to the Australian General Base Depot (AGBD) at Rouelles, outside Le Havre, arriving there the next day. Three days later, he was marched out to rejoin his unit, and arrived at the wagon lines of the 26th Battery south south east of Steenwerck on the last day of the month, where they and the rest of the 7th FAB were refitting after withdrawing from front line action on June 25, 1917.
There was to be no rest for Arnold. In fine weather, on the nights of July 2-3, 1917, the 7th FAB relieved the 110th Brigade RFA, with the 26th Battery moving into positions west of Messines south of ‘Swayne’s Tramway’. Here the 7th FAB was engaged in registering of SOS and Zero lines, wire cutting and retaliatory fire, ‘neutralising fire’, harassment of enemy roads and approaches in back areas and barrage work to support a raid. On the last day of July, 1917, heavy rain and cold weather set in and continued for the next 12 days. Enemy counter battery fire was directed into the 7th FAB area in the first 10 days of August, killing three men and wounding nine, although fortunately the 26th Battery was unaffected. On August 15, 1917, Arnold’s battery participated in ‘an intense bombardment’ but by this time, Arnold was starting to feel quite ill, and the next day reported sick.
Arnold was evacuated about nine miles (14 km) west south west to the 9th AFA which was operating the 3rd Division’s Ravelsburg Rest Camp, about two miles (3.2 km) east of Bailleul. He was diagnosed with influenza. On the day that he arrived, Bailleul was shelled and that night and the next was bombed by enemy aircraft. The wet and cold weather in the first part of August, 1917, may well have resulted in Arnold contracting influenza. However, given ‘the notorious inexactitude in the use of the term “influenza” [during]…the war’, the lingering effects of gas, with its ‘tracheo-bronchial and pulmonary irritation’, cannot be discounted as a factor. Arnold remained at the rest camp until August 22, 1917, when he was discharged to his unit who were still in the same position they were in when he left them. On August 26, 1917, the enemy shelled the 26th Battery positions, however ‘no material damage was done to any of the guns or personnel’.
On the last day of August, 1917, the 26th Battery withdrew to their wagon lines. The next day at 10.18 am they joined the rest of the 7th FAB marching west to the Merck St. Levin rest area about 25 miles (40 km) east south east of Boulogne. There was only one day of rest for Arnold, before the battery was engaged in ‘training in gun laying, fuzesetting, (sic) gun drill, stripping and overhaul of vehicles’. At 10.00 am on September 8, 1917, the 7th FAB commenced their move into the forward area at Ypres where they halted at new wagon lines near Dickebusch about four miles (7 km) south west of Ypres. The day after their arrival, Tuesday, September 11, 1917, was ‘a day never to be forgotten by the men of the 26th Battery’. Breakfast had just been drawn and the men were seated in a group near the cookhouse. A 10.5 cm enemy shrapnel shell burst close to the cookhouse killing 10 men and wounding 28 and causing shell shock to a further four men. This was a stray shell (if indeed an accurate one), the only one of a series which caused any damage, with the rest of the rounds falling 500 yards (457 m) short. Even though six of the wounded men had only slight injuries and remained on duty, this one incident reduced the effective strength of the battery by almost 20 percent. Arnold later described to his uncle, John Malcolm McIntosh, what happened that day: ‘while having breakfast a stray shell fell amongst us. We had 11 killed and 36 wounded by that one shell. An officer to whom I was talking had eight pieces through him. Again, I came out without a scratch’. This officer was Lieutenant Charles Washington Watt, who had transferred from the 25th Battery to the 26th Battery on September 14, 1916, as a 2nd Lieutenant. He was wounded in the right shoulder and right and left thighs, taken to England for treatment and rejoined the 7th FAB on February 2, 1918. He returned to Australia on July 3, 1919. He had been awarded a Military Cross for conspicuous gallantry and devotion to duty as a forward observing officer in August, 1917.
At 2.00 am on September 12, 1917, the 26th Battery moved to their battery position about 500 yards (457 m) north east of Zillebeke Lake, in preparation for what became known as the Battle of Menin Road, scheduled to begin at 5.40 am on September 20, 1917. Arnold’s battery was grouped with all other 3rd Division artillery batteries as B Group, 1st Divisional Artillery. Writing to his uncle, John Malcolm McIntosh, about this journey, Arnold remembered ‘leading 18 teams over broken wagons, ammunition, dead horses, and worst of all, human bodies. There was nothing else left. Everything was covered with blood’. The living conditions were atrocious, as Arnold described to his uncle: ‘the only place we had to live was in a short trench. When asleep we were about three deep. I won’t try to describe it for the simple reason I wish to forget all about that time. The mud was something terrible’. The 26th Battery War Diary does describe these conditions in a little more detail:
Officers and men lived in an old trench, in the bays of which were excavated small dugouts, sufficiently wide to allow three men to lie down, but not high enough to permit of sitting upright. This trench was in an unsanitary condition, and in many places had been blown in.
The next day, a few 4.2 (10.5 cm) shells fell on the battery position and a ‘goodly number’ of 5.9 (15 cm) shells arrived in the evening, with one making a direct hit on a trench which fortunately was unoccupied. Gas shells arrived after midnight, but a breeze was blowing so ‘very little gas found its way into the trench’. On September 15, 1917, at 9.00 am and 4.00 pm, Arnold’s battery took part in practice barrages in preparation for the forthcoming attack and the enemy artillery ‘vigorously counter attacked with his artillery’. On September 17, 1917, two more practice barrages were held, bringing heavy retaliation on the battery position. While ammunition wagons were being unloaded, the right flank of the battery position was shelled and the camouflage on two gun pits set on fire and some ammunition destroyed. Early on the morning of September 18, 1917,
a shell entered the side of the trench, and burst on a level with the duck-board walk, less than 6 feet (1.8 m) from the officers sleeping portion, wrecking the cookhouse. The explosion drove a shower of shell-splinters and evil smelling mud among the sleeping telephonists who were only ten feet (3 m) away. The trench and dug out timbering was splintered and riddled with holes, but strange to say no one was hurt.
Practice barrages were again held and the battery was now consuming ‘great quantities of ammunition’, and since all batteries were ordered to keep 1,000 rounds per gun at the battery position, drivers of the ammunition wagons and their horses and mules had ‘an unenviable time’ to say the least. The 26th Battery position was hit again with 5.9 (15 cm) shells that night, but fortunately the majority fell short. Wednesday, September 19, 1917, brought with it ‘fierce artillery duels and bombardments…all day’. One gun in the battery was damaged and had to be moved back to Ordnance. The 26th Battery War Diary on this day carried the entry: ‘No. 18710 Sergeant McIntosh was injured by the recoil of one of the guns, the injury necessitating his removal to CCS and thence to Hospital’.
Arnold later wrote to his uncle: ‘[I] tried to stop the recoil of the gun, but it only sent me about 15 yards (14 m) through the air and smashed my hip about a bit’. The closest medical facility to the 26th Battery was an aid post at ‘Half Way House’, about 300 yards (275 m) north of the battery’s position from which he would have been taken to the Main Dressing Station (MDS). All stretcher cases were then to be transported either by motor ambulances or by the Dequeville light railway to a Casualty Clearing Station (CCS) at Remy Siding near Poperingue, in Arnold’s case to the 17th (British) CCS. Here they noted his injury as ‘contusion of thigh L & abdomen. Result of recoil of gun’.
Even after he arrived at the 17th CCS, Arnold was not safe. Just a month before Arnold arrived, the 17th CCS at Remy Siding had been bombed, with 27 men killed and 39 wounded. He was not there long, as the next day, September 20, 1917, he was loaded onto a hospital train and sent to the 13th General Hospital in Boulogne. He was admitted to the 13th General Hospital the next day, but immediately sent to England on the hospital ship HMHS Princess Elizabeth. The journey was not without risk. Germany had resumed unrestricted submarine warfare on February 1, 1917, and up until Arnold’s transfer from Boulogne, German submarines had sunk five hospital ships on this crossing since that date. Arnold arrived safely in England the following day, was transported to the Cambridge railway station by train, and thence by either horse-drawn or motor ambulance to the 1st Eastern General Hospital, where he was admitted on September 22, 1917.
Arnold stayed 26 days in the 1st Eastern General before being discharged to the 1st Australian Auxiliary Hospital at Harefield House in Middlesex, immediately to the north west of London. While he was at 1st Eastern General, back at his unit, a Court of Inquiry was held into the circumstances of Arnold’s injury, a procedure that was required for all accidental injuries. The results of the inquiry were sent up the chain of command, and on October 5, 1917, the General Officer Commanding (GOC) the 2nd Army, General Herbert Plumer, confirmed that the ‘casualty [was] to be reported as accidentally injured [and that] no disciplinary action [was] proposed’. After four days at the 1st Australian Auxiliary Hospital, Arnold was discharged on furlough for a fortnight, with orders to report afterwards to No. 2 Command Depot at Weymouth on November 5, 1917. Four days later, he was sent north to No. 1 Command Depot at Sutton Veny, which was focused on those men deemed fit to be returned to France within three months, after ‘training graduated in such a manner as to restore [them] once more to [their] former health and vigor’.
Arnold returned to France from Southampton on November 29, 1917. The next day he was marched in to the AGBD at Rouelles, was sent back to his unit on December 3, 1917, rejoining the 26th Battery in the front line north east of Armentieres three days later, part of the right group supporting the 8th (British) Division. The battery’s wagon lines were at Ravelsberg Camp east of Ballieul and about seven miles (11 km) west of the battery’s front-line position. Gunners were rotated between the wagon lines and the front line, and although it is not known when Arnold was in the front line or at the wagon lines, nowhere was safe. In weather described as ‘intensely cold, with heavy frosts and some snow falls’, 100 enemy rounds fell on the battery position on the day Arnold arrived, with more following on December 9 and 10, 1917. On December 10, 1917, ‘Gotha bombing ‘planes flew over…during the afternoon and bombs fell in the vicinity of the wagon lines [while men] were grazing horses’. Fortunately, the 26th Battery suffered no casualties either in the front line or at the wagon lines.
In the lead up to Christmas, the battery was active, firing on average between 200 and 500 rounds per day. At times, counter battery fire from the enemy was severe, with about 400 shells falling near the battery positions on December 15, 1917, and the next day shells falling so close that the centre section had to be evacuated. Gas shells fell around the battery position on December 18, 1917. However, on December 20-22, 1917, the 26th Battery was relieved and moved to new wagon lines near Croix au Bac, about a mile (1.6 km) from Steenwerck. It was good accommodation, with nissen huts and covered, dry horse lines. There was to be no rest however. Two days before Christmas, the battery took up new positions immediately north of Armentieres near a ruined farmhouse with the River Lys at their back. This was a vast improvement on conditions experienced at Ypres. Gunners were housed in rooms in the farmhouse that were tenable, and the officers in a nearby house. Comfort was ensured by ‘the addition of stoves, furniture and household utensils “borrowed” from the hurriedly evacuated houses nearby…and the Centre Section [even had] a piano’. On Christmas Day, the cold was intense and snow fell at frequent intervals’. Boxing Day brought ‘frequent sleet and snow storms’, but overall, Christmas was spent without much artillery activity, either from the battery or from the enemy.
On January 5, 1918, the battery was relieved in the line and the next day marched to new wagon lines near Bailleul at a farm close to the village of Steenje. The other ranks were billeted in ‘huge barns’ and the officers in the farmhouse. A program of ‘work and recreation’ was commenced. The first four days brought ‘heavy snow falls…followed by hard frost’, but on January 11, 1917, a thaw ‘converted the camp into a sea of mud’, with training during the following week carried out in heavy rain, flooded fields and ‘strong wind storms’. On January 30-31, 1918, the battery relieved the 14th Battery in the same positions they had previously occupied in November and early December, 1917. Arriving in foggy weather at the wagon lines, they discovered ‘the hutments…in a dirty and dilapidated condition, and practically no improvements had been made since [their] previous occupation’.
The weather had ‘cleared somewhat’ by February 2, 1918, and the enemy shelled the battery position, driving the left section men from their guns, wrecking some of the sleeping quarters and dropping gas shells on the right section. Next day it was the centre section and the officers’ quarters turn to be ‘shelled rather heavily’. After one quiet day, the right section was shelled with 77 mm and 4.2 (10.5 cm) shells for the next three days. On February 8, 1918, all guns were moved about two miles north to Hill 63 to a temporary position to support a raid. Once at the position, ‘the Hun batteries opened up’, forcing the 26th Battery men to evacuate and take shelter in the catacombs near Hyde Park Corner that night. Next day, the gunners ‘made themselves at home in shelters handy to the guns’, despite about 200 8-inch (21 cm) rounds falling around the position. On February 10, 1918, shelling from ‘whizz-bang’ (77 mm) and 8-inch (21 cm) enemy batteries continued, causing some damage to communications, but not preventing the battery putting up an effective barrage in support of the raid at 10.30 pm. Just after midnight, as the guns were being withdrawn back to their old position, an enemy 8-inch (21 cm) shell overturned one gun, forcing the men to abandon it until morning. Despite the heavy shelling at this position, no causalities were incurred.
On February 15, 1918 about 50 10.5 cm shells fell around the battery position, another 600 15 cm shells two days later, on February 22, 1918 about 200 rounds including gas shells fell, about 150 5.9 (15 cm) shells on February 26, 1918 and on the last day of the month a further 50 or so 5.9 (15 cm) enemy shells ‘fell about the battery position but little damage [was] done’. No gun positions were hit or casualties caused by any of these enemy bombardments. The battery itself was active during this time, firing over 700 shells on enemy targets including working parties, tramways, roads, as well as for ‘ranging and testing 106 fuzes’. While enemy shelling and bombing of back areas was reported in the 26th Battery War Diary on at least six days in the latter half of February, 1918, none of these incidents affected the battery’s wagon lines.
March 2, 1918, brought with if a ‘snowstorm accompanied by fierce winds’ all day. That night, with the temperature dropping rapidly, the 26th Battery gun teams once again took their guns to the position two miles further north that they had occupied on February 10, 1918, in order to support another infantry raid. At 11.45 pm on March 3, 1918, in pitch black, windy and cold conditions, they opened a supporting barrage which assisted the infantry to penetrate to the enemy’s second line. At 12.50 am the next morning a further raid was made ‘under the usual artillery barrage’, and two counter attacks repulsed. At 3.00 am, the battery withdrew the guns back to their former position in dark and rainy weather. Retaliatory fire from 4.2 (10.5 cm) enemy batteries fell on the right section of the battery at 2.45 pm on March 7, 1918, without causing any damage, then three quarters of an hour later fell on the left section, destroying the cookhouse. Altogether, 300 rounds fell on the battery during this time but no casualties occurred. The next day, 30 shells fell from a 5.9 (15 cm) battery and about 200 shells from a 4.2 (10.5 cm) battery. While no gun was hit and no casualties resulted, the fire was heavy enough to force a temporary evacuation of the battery’s position. On the night of March 9, 1918, the battery was targeted with gas shells. Gas shells again fell both on the front line and wagon lines the next evening and night, March 10, 1918, with some men ‘slightly affected by the gas’. However, by this time Arnold was on his way to join the Reserve Brigade Australian Artillery (RBAA) in England.
On March 13, 1918, Arnold arrived at the RBAA at Heytesbury and was attached for duty with the permanent cadre. The brigade was organised into four batteries, one howitzer and three 18 pounders, each with six guns, and a separate brigade signal section. Training in each battery was conducted by four subalterns supported by non-commissioned officers, like Arnold, all seconded from divisions in France for six-month periods and returning to France at the expiration of their time. On arrival Arnold was sent to a brigade class for assistant instructors and once qualified, he was taken on as an assistant instructor, attached to the Right Half Battery of No. 3 (18 pounder) Battery, which had the responsibility for training reinforcements for the 3rd Division artillery. The normal training period was nine weeks, organised into three stages each of three-week blocks. Arnold was one of six assistant instructor NCOs in his battery designated for gunnery instruction. It was prescribed that ‘drill in gas helmets [occur] twice per week for most advanced classes’, and that ‘all ranks will be trained in adjusting horses’ gas respirators’.
Training occupied six days a week. A normal day for Arnold and the rest of the men at RBAA began at 6.30 am and finished at 10.15 pm. In addition to this, muster parades were held each Thursday at 2.00 pm for No. 3 Battery, at which ‘all uniform and kit carried on the person’ was inspected and the rest of the afternoon devoted to foot drill and dismounted route marching. Sports events occasionally provided a break from this routine. On June 3, 1918, Arnold was made a temporary Battery Sergeant Major. From June 10 to September 2, 1918, Arnold’s cousin Maurice Kiley was also at the RBAA. On August 10, 1918, Arnold was one of 22 NCOs selected to attend the six-week 75th Class at the School of Instruction for Royal Horse and Royal Field Artillery NCOs at Woolwich, east of London on the south bank of the River Thames. During the course, on August 31, 1918, Arnold was transferred from the RBAA back to the 7th FAB as his six-month secondment period was at an end, and in consequence reverted to his substantive rank of Sergeant. The course ended on September 21, 1918, and it appears that Arnold then had 10 days’ leave before he embarked for France. On October 2, 1918, he went to Dover to embark for France and four days later arrived at the AGBD at Rouelles. On October 8, 1918, he was marched out to his unit and two days later he rejoined the 26th Battery at their wagon lines at Bellicourt.
The 7th FAB was in Corps Reserve when Arnold returned to the 26th Battery, but on October 13, 1918 were designated as the Mobile Reserve and moved to new wagon lines at Busigny. The next day, they took over forward positions from the 12th FAB as part of the Left Group in preparation to support the advance of the American II Corps to the Sambre Canal. Harassing fire was brought to bear on the approaches to towns, but not on the towns themselves. The attack by the American 27th Division began at 5.20 am on October 17, 1918, in ‘thick mist’. ‘Information…was very scanty’ but it seemed the Americans did not remain on their final objective to exploit the advance. During the night, the 26th Battery ‘side slipped’ to the right to take up a new position. The next day, further barrages were fired at 5.30 am and 11.30 am, but the American infantry were unable to make much progress. On October 19, 1918, the 7th FAB advanced along tracks and roads made very heavy from recent rains to new positions about 1,000 yards (915 m) from the front line. Wet and misty conditions prevailed, and on October 20, 1918, the American 27th Division was relieved by the British 6th Division.
By 6.00 pm on October 21, 1918, the 7th FAB had moved once again to new positions. The enemy put down a strong barrage the next morning at 5.00 am, searching for battery positions. However, no damage was done. At 1.20 am on a ‘clear moonlight morning’, October 23, 1918, the batteries of the 7th FAB put down a barrage in support of the 6th Division attack. The advance was successful, and at 5.00 pm on October 24, 1918, the 7th FAB was withdrawn into Corps Reserve and two days later marched to new wagon lines in Montbrehain. It was noted that ‘only wagon lines in the open could be found and there was a great lack of comfortable accommodation for personnel’. Once at Montbrehain, as much rest for Arnold and the rest of the men was provided when they were not engaged in ‘general cleaning of harness, vehicles and equipment’. The exposed conditions did bring with them one danger, the Spanish Influenza epidemic, ‘which appeared towards the end of the month and was responsible for many evacuations’.
In fine and mild weather on November 1, 1918, the 26th Battery with the rest of the 7th FAB left Montbrehain at 8.30 am and marched to new wagon lines at La Vallee Mulatre, arriving there at 12.30 pm. The next day was wet and dull. Each battery hauled their guns forward to new positions for an attack planned for November 4, 1918 by the 1st (British) Division. Zero hour on November 4, 1918 was 5.45 am, and although the daylight broke misty and dull, by 9.00 am the weather was bright and sunny. Under cover of the artillery barrage, the two attacking infantry brigades were across the Sambre-Oise canal within 25 minutes and obtained all their objectives. During this action, British poet Lieutenant Wilfred Owen was killed as his battalion crossed the canal. Enemy artillery retaliation was initially light. The next day, the 7th FAB withdrew to the wagon lines in La Vallee Mulatre. This was Arnold’s final front line action of the war, and for once, in the whole brigade, there had been no men killed and only one man slightly wounded who remained on duty. On November 6, 1918, at 9.30 am, Arnold and the rest of the 7th FAB returned to their billets in Montbrehain in heavy rain.
Two more days of wet and miserable weather followed before ‘a spell of good weather’ began. Every advantage was taken to graze the horses and find them suitable accommodation. By November 9, 1918, all horses and their harness were under cover. On November 11, 1918, a message was received from the CRA (Commander Royal Artillery) at 12.10 pm: ‘Corps confirms message hostilities cease at 11.00’. The only entry in the War Diary of the 7th FAB was ‘Today the armistice was signed’. For the rest of the month, Arnold and the rest of the 7th FAB remained at Montbrehain. Batteries were re-equipped and the men were given a half holiday daily and each afternoon a football match was held. The AIF Education Scheme was introduced. The wet and cold weather returned at the beginning of December, 1918. On December 12, 1918, the brigade marched westwards to new billets at Hautmont, close to the Belgian border. On Christmas Day, the brigade did its best to provide some cheer.
By mid-January, 1919, the weather was turning ‘very cold’. Sports and Race Meetings had to be abandoned ‘owing to a heavy fall of snow followed by a hard frost’. Inside entertainment was arranged in the form of comedy performances and battery dances. February, 1919 continued to be cold and wet, many men reported sick and were evacuated with influenza, with ‘several cases [resulting] in death’. On March 5, 1919, Arnold was one of a group of 142 1915-1916 men included in Quota 15 for repatriation and left the 26th Battery for the last time and entrained for Le Havre and the Australian Infantry Base Depot (AIBD) at Rouelles. Shipping was in short supply, with Canadians also being repatriated at this time, and embarkation of Quotas was delayed. Quota 15 embarked at 10.40 pm on March 17, 1919 on the Duchess of Devonshire and arrived at Weymouth in England the next day.
Quota 15 proceeded to Codford on the Salisbury Plain, south west of Arnold’s 1916 camp at Lark Hill, to join the 2nd Training Brigade. Arnold had to wait at Codford for 44 days before boarding a ship to Australia. By the evening of April 30, 1919, Arnold had boarded HMAT Karagola at Devonport, along with 80 officers, 676 other ranks and one civilian, ‘Miss Monk…a dependant of a member of the AIF’. At 6.00 am the next morning, the ship sailed out of the harbour in a fresh south west wind and rough seas. Many of those on board were seasick until May 3, 1919, when fine, warm and sunny weather prevailed as the ship passed down the coast of Portugal, passed Gibraltar, entered the Mediterranean Sea, and skirted the coast of Africa and moored in Port Said harbour. After exiting the Suez Canal into the Red Sea, the weather turned ‘hot and oppressive’. At 4.00 am on May 23, 1919, the Karagola moored in Colombo harbour, and all ranks were granted shore leave from 10.00 am to 5.30 pm. Just after midnight on May 24-25, 1919, rolling heavily, the Karagola left for Freemantle in a strong westerly wind. By May 27, 1919, strong squalls with heavy rain brought rough seas and a return of seasickness. The weather began to improve after this, and by 7.00 am on June 4, 1919, when the ship anchored in Freemantle harbour, it was a ‘beautiful fine day’.
The entire morning was spent in medical examinations by the Port Authorities, taking the temperature of every person on board to detect influenza. This procedure was repeated at Adelaide and Melbourne and the ship finally arrived in Sydney on June 14, 1919. Since sailing out of Sydney Harbour on the Argyllshire, Arnold had been away from Australia for three years, one month and three days.
On the day he disembarked, Arnold attended a medical inspection at the Domain Anzac Buffet where he signed off on his medical assessment of ‘no disability’. He finally arrived back home on Tuesday morning, June 17, 1919, to a range of ‘Welcome Home’ celebrations. By September 9, 1919, it had been announced that 24 blocks for soldier settlement would shortly be made available in the Ainslie-Majura area and as soon as the blocks were advertised, Arnold submitted his application. He was successful in obtaining his first preference, Gungahlin Block 143A, 560 acres (227 ha). Under the Soldier Settlement Scheme, he obtained an advance of £299 ($24,000), which he used to stock the block with 314 ewes and by May, 1920, he had ploughed between 60 and 70 acres (24-28 ha) and sown wheat. By 1925, he had repaid the advance he had received. However, like many soldier settlers, he found that the initial block he had leased was too small to be a consistent and long-term source of income.
In 1926, an opportunity to expand presented itself when the Federal Capital Commission resumed several blocks of land near his block and offered him the opportunity of surrendering his lease and obtaining a new lease for more than 1000 acres (405 ha). The restructured block was designated Gungahlin Block 64, 1,068 acres (432 ha), and Arnold accepted a 10-year lease on July 21, 1926. He named his new block Macville. On April 16, 1929, his father William died. William held the leases next to Macville, Gungahlin Blocks 52 and 54, 35 acres (14 ha) and 94 acres (38 ha) respectively. His mother Christina inherited these blocks and after moving to live in Queanbeyan, transferred them to Arnold in October,1932.
When Arnold was 35 years old, on June 19, 1929, he was married to Lil McKeahnie by Reverend John Walker at St. John the Baptist Church at Reid, Canberra, on June 19, 1929. Arnold and Lil lived in Arnold’s childhood home, where they continued to run the Majura Post Office.
For more than a decade after his return to Australia, Arnold worked for the local community and continued his interest and participation in sport, including tennis, cricket and greyhound breeding and racing. In 1929-1930, the Great Depression took hold in Australia. After experiencing a run on its funds, the Government Savings Bank of New South Wales suspended access to all accounts on April 23, 1931. Arnold had only just banked his wool cheque and was unable pay the quarterly rent due on his leases because the bank would not release any funds. The Commonwealth Government received assurances from the bank’s Queanbeyan branch manager that Arnold had sufficient funds to cover the outstanding rent but it was not until the Government Savings Bank was amalgamated with the Commonwealth Savings Bank on December 15, 1931, that Arnold was able to access any of his funds, although this was limited to 10 percent until full release of his deposits was made available on January 14, 1932.
At the beginning of June, 1934, Lil was about five months’ pregnant with their first child. Arnold was destined never to see his child. In the evening of that first day of June, Arnold began to feel unwell. About 7.00 am the next morning, Saturday, June 2, 1934, he died at home while sitting in his chair. He was 40 years old. He is buried in the Presbyterian Portion, Section 2, Row N, Lot 35 of the Riverside Cemetery in Queanbeyan. Their son was born on October 9, 1934, and named Arthur Arnold in memory of his father. Lil ran the property almost single handed until her death on September 23, 1962. She had outlived Arnold by more than 28 years.
The service of Arnold Arthur McIntosh is commemorated on the Wall of Remembrance, RSL Building, Queanbeyan, the Roll of Honour, St. Stephen’s Presbyterian Church, Queanbeyan, the Roll of Honour, Queanbeyan Public School, Queanbeyan, the Majura Roll of Honor, Canberra Museum and Gallery, Canberra, and online on the ACT Memorial, Virtual War Memorial Australia, Discovering ANZACS and Lives of the First World War.
He received the following awards: British War Medal No. 45440 and Victory Medal No. 44415.
A large number of Arnold’s cousins also joined the armed services, including Charles Joseph Blay, James Harmony Blay, Alexander James Gifford, Frederick Bruce Godfrey, Thomas Douglas Godfrey, Maurice William Kiley, James Nathaniel McKenzie, John Albius Croak, William John Hughes, Albius Bede Cunningham, John Francis Cunningham, Clement Reginald Smith, Cecil James Chalker, John Edwin (Jack) Clifton, Hector Gordon McIntosh, Norman Charles Royal, Frederick Silas Southwell and Malcolm McIntosh Southwell. The husbands of cousins who served were Aubury Augustus Duddle (spouse Anne Snow Matilda Godfrey), Percival Francis Douglas, (spouse Una Annie Jane Southwell), and George Clive Brench (spouse Phyllis Ann McIntosh). His cousin Stanley Charles McIntosh and the husband of his cousin Christina McIntosh, Ernest Charles Dunshea, both volunteered but were rejected on medical grounds.
Links:
Download Arnold’s Service Record from the National Archives of Australia
Download Arnold’s Entry on the First World War Nominal Roll from the Australian War Memorial
Download Arnold’s Entry on the First World War Embarkation Roll from the Australian War Memorial
View Details of Arnold’s Soldier Settlement on Archives ACT
View Arnold’s Entry on The AIF Project
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